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Author Photo Ethan Shone
Investigative Reporter

Welcome to openDemocracy’s weekly email, which this Saturday looks at the unhappy scenes on display at this week’s annual Labour Party Conference in Liverpool. 

In recent weeks, Keir Starmer suffered a wave of resignations and firings from his top team, leading his MPs to discuss the possibility of replacing him, while Andy Burnham, Labour’s Northern king-in-exile (or, the Manchester mayor), appeared to be mounting a leadership challenge. His government has also faced criticism for a controversial, unexpected policy on a new digital ID scheme (more on this later in this newsletter from our editor-in-chief, Aman Sethi).

And while it may have been the Labour conference, Reform UK was the headline act. “In the fringes and bars, delegates talked about little else,” our correspondent Seth Thévos writes. Polls show Nigel Farage’s party would stand a good chance of winning if an election took place tomorrow – a problem that Labour’s factions can’t agree on how to tackle. 

The largest (and least powerful) faction, Seth explains, believes that “Labour’s lost voters are not deserting the party because it hasn’t yet humiliated enough immigrants; they’re leaving because 14 months ago, they voted for a Labour government to do Labour things – and are baffled and disillusioned as to why so little of that has happened.” Well, quite. 

So why is Starmer’s Labour failing to do those things? It could have something to do with the considerable influence corporate power has exerted over it in the years leading up to and since its election victory; millions have flowed into the party’s coffers from the City, while consultants and lobbyists have sent their staff to work within the party and help set its direction. This trend was on show once again at conference, where lobbyists were deployed from every sector to bend the ears of ministers and advisers. 

Whether blatant or cloak and dagger, the influence enjoyed by corporate interests over this government is significant, and that doesn’t happen by accident. We’re also including a piece from our archives that I wrote last year in this newsletter, which reveals how Labour was subject to a massive lobbying bonanza ahead of the election, which didn’t need to be declared under Westminster transparency laws that require only the lobbying of members of the government to be recorded. 

And just as the public had no right to know who had Labour’s ear while it was in opposition, we won’t know who is trying to influence Reform’s policy platform ahead of the 2029 election. Reports suggest the City is already stepping up its efforts to court Farage’s party, and my recent analysis on Reform’s finances (which I discussed further on openDemocracy’s In Solidarity podcast, which is also included in this newsletter) finds the party draws a significant amount of its support from finance. 

Starmer finished the conference with a well-received speech that took aim squarely at Reform. It seems to have assuaged the concerns of some in his party for now, but it will be only a temporary reprieve unless his government can make good on its new promise to ‘Renew’ Britain, a message that was plastered all over the conference in a clear indication of Labour’s new strategy: kick out at Reform while aping them.

Inside the many, many Labour Party Conferences • Seth Thévoz

I’ve been attending political party conferences in the UK for over 20 years, but I’ve never seen anything like the Labour conference currently taking place in Liverpool.

The governing party is a broad coalition at the best of times. But this year’s event has been a series of “bubbles” that don’t – and won’t – interact with one another. You can experience a completely different reality from the people 50 feet away, just by going to different events.

That’s why, all week, when people have asked me, “What’s the feeling like at Labour conference?” I’ve replied that it depends on which Labour conference you’re attending. The real conference takes place not on the carefully choreographed main stage, but in a hundred meeting rooms dotted across the city, where fringe events are put on by members, activists and lobbyists – and it’s in those rooms that the party’s deep internal rifts can be seen.

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On the Reform problem, Labour faces a serious strategic dilemma • Seth Thévoz

All was not well at the Labour Party Conference in Liverpool.

The steady drip of knee-jerk policy announcements revealed a government in chaos; hardly surprising given the string of scandals over the past year, often for mistakes as basic as failing to report donations.

What’s more, Keir Starmer’s top team has suffered a weekly resignation or firing for five weeks running now – No 10 strategist Tom Kibasi, deputy leader Angela Rayner, US ambassador Peter Mandelson, senior aide Paul Ovenden, and communications director Steph Driver – and Labour has been behind Reform UK for over 100 consecutive polls, even facing wipeout in the party’s traditional Welsh heartland.

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Digital ID cards will put the UK on a dangerous path – just ask India • Aman Sethi

To those who hope that the ‘Brit Card’ digital ID scheme will, as Keir Starmer promised, serve as a check on immigration, I bring bad news. We immigrants, documented and undocumented, will figure it out; it is the Brits who will suffer the most.

I say this as a journalist who spent close to a decade investigating the many drawbacks, data leaks, and mis-applications of Aadhar, India’s vast and controversial biometric database, which Starmer’s government approvingly and misleadingly endorsed in its press release announcing Brit Card.

The UK government claims that rolling out Aadhar has saved India’s government over $10bn each year – an oft-repeated but never proven claim that has been endlessly criticised as incorrect. Its press release echoes the well-trodden fantasies of those who support unified identity schemes, stating that Brit Cards will save time, reduce reliance on messy paper documents, simplify access to government services and digital wallets, offer state-of-the-art security and encryption, strengthen borders and help to crack down on illegal migration.

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Lovebombed by lobbyists: How Labour became the party of Big Business • Ethan Shone

Twelve months before seizing power in last week’s historic election victory, Keir Starmer and the Labour Party welcomed with open arms an unprecedented lobbying campaign by the UK’s most powerful corporations.

Weapons manufacturers implicated in human rights abuses in Gaza bent the ears of would-be defence secretaries. Incoming climate change ministers met with oil companies. Labour ministers who will now be responsible for curbing the excesses of the City of London were wined and dined by financial services executives. Public affairs firms representing asset managers, the tobacco industry, gig economy firms and tax-avoiding mega corporations secured meeting after meeting after meeting with future ministers.

In a high-voltage campaign that was simultaneously secretive yet enacted in plain sight, lobbyists worked hard to ensure the policies of the UK’s first ostensibly progressive government in 14 years reflected the interests of their influential clients. And Labour was only too happy to engage.

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Listen: Who funds Nigel Farage’s Reform UK – and why?

🎙️Reform claims to represent the working man, so why are its coffers being filled by ‘the elite’ it rallies against?

Listen now
 

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